(EDITORIAL from the Korea Herald on May 26)

After Roh's death

While mourners make long queues to pay their last tributes to Roh Moo-hyun, they
are pondering what might have driven him to take his own life.

His suicide note
indicated that a prosecutors' investigation into a graft scandal involving his
family was the direct motive, but people are looking for a more fundamental
cause. Many believe that the cause was the psychological pressure on the former
president, who had championed leftist values in Korea`s ever-sharpening
ideological divide.
In Bongha Village, that division is being physically exposed. Some politicians
who had stood opposite Roh before or during his presidency were obstructed by his
supporters. Those who were turned back included National Assembly Speaker Kim
Hyong-o, Prime Minister Han Seung-soo and Park Geun-hye of the Grand National
Party. Even Chung Dong-young, former Democratic Party presidential candidate, was
only able to access the altar at the second attempt, after he was first deterred
by the "Rohsamo" members.
As the investigation into businessman Park Yeon-cha`s alleged influence-buying
closed in on Roh's close aides and relatives, Roh's supporters and the leftists
in Korea`s sociopolitical spectrum claimed political motivation for the probe.
They determined that it was an attempt by the ruling conservative camp to
undermine the left in order to keep its grip on power. Law enforcement in this
case was disproportionately harsh, they argue, pointing to relatively small
amounts of money involved.
"Is this (Roh's death) what the Lee Myung-bak government wanted? Is this what
Cho-Joong-Dong wanted through collaborating with the prosecution?" Ahn Hee-jung,
Roh`s top aide, asked members of the press at Roh's home village of Bongha. He
was referring to the three conservative dailies - Chosun, JoongAng and Dong-a -
which have followed the progress of the prosecution probe, with many details
provided by unspecified sources.
Left-right polarization rapidly deepened during the Roh presidency, as both camps
escalated their attacks on the National Assembly floor, in media forums and at
civil society functions. Roh Moo-hyun, a nonmainstreamer in Korea's political
establishment, had himself contributed much to the widening ideological gulf. His
policies focused on disadvantaging those with vested interests while the
conservatives countered by deterring his major reforms.
Confrontation and disputes have aggravated not only those in political circles
but in academic, artistic and other areas of civil society. Black-and-white
viewpoints have become common amongst writers, professors, popular entertainers,
clerics and economists. Some may argue that it is rather a sign of social
advancement, but the process of fragmentation has most regrettably resulted in
zero tolerance between the different elements in different sectors.
Roh Moo-hyun was a victim of the internal antagonism he helped create in today's
Korea. Now, his untimely death could lead to a backlash from the political left
just as his impeachment did back in 2004. But such a consequence would make his
death meaningless. It is time for Koreans to realize that social division here
has gone too far.
The makeshift memorial at Seoul Plaza is still surrounded by thousands of riot
police. The authorities fear massive demonstrations by those who believe that Roh
died as a criminal suspect facing a far-fetched accusation. We perceive that the
large number of mourners nationwide, including young students and housewives,
represent more than mere antagonism toward the conservative government. We
believe that they must be sharing an earnest wish for national harmony and
reconciliation.
(END)